Mr Ambassador, a personal question to begin with: how is your mother and how is your family in Ukraine?

Look: today in Kyiv there was only electricity for two hours in the morning, and another two hours each at midday and before midnight. That is the sad reality in Ukraine.

From here, it is only 1,300 kilometres to Kyiv. Do you think people in Germany are aware of the proximity of this war?

There is great solidarity among the German people with my country, and with the Ukrainian people seeking protection here. Even though people tend rather not to let the evil get to them and close their eyes. That is understandable. I always try to explain this issue to the sceptics, too. There is no one in Ukraine who is not affected by the war – and people here should be aware of that.

From a German perspective, it has now been over two years since Russia’s brutal attack on your country. From your point of view, when did the war begin, and how did you experience it?

The war began in 2014 with the invasion of Crimea. I remember well how I knocked on many doors in my role as political director at NATO and the EU at the time – nobody wanted to take serious action. The appeasement, the adherence to Nordstream 2, and the weak sanctions only reinforced Russia’s desire to press ahead with its aggression. And what we have been experiencing in our country since February 2022 is World War III for the Ukrainians.

At the beginning, Germany promised Ukraine 5,000 helmets. Now we have carried on much further: Rheinmetall alone has delivered over two hundred tanks and trucks, hundreds of thousands of rounds of ammunition, air defence, and much more to Ukraine. How satisfied are you with the development?

I will be satisfied when our soldiers on the front line say: “We have everything we need.” This war cannot be won without ammunition, and neither can it be won without armoured vehicles and modern technologies. We cannot protect our people without air defence. We need all of this, and Germany is really contributing a great deal here. Germany’s leading role can be seen in the armoured coalition, to which we owe the Leopard battle tanks. Three Patriot systems from Germany, Iris T systems, and also the Skynex air defence system from Rheinmetall are helping us to protect the people in Ukraine – and to preserve thousands of lives.

What is the situation on the front line?

There is good news and bad news every day. Good news, when we are able to fend off attacks and progress, or when we neutralise rockets. But every day, there are dead civilians and soldiers. Two weeks ago, a good friend of our family was killed in Kharkiv. Everyone in Ukraine has lost at least one beloved person. Our president says: “We need a small victory every day.” Every arms delivery is a victory, and so is every security agreement with another country. The sympathy that our national team has won here at the European Football Championship is also a small victory for us.

At Rheinmetall, we receive letters from children who send us drawings as a thank you. The illustrations touch us deeply because they show how omnipresent war is for children. How much do the youngest suffer?

I’m worried that the children will be traumatised for their entire life. In Kharkiv, we have children who are in second grade and have hardly been able to go to school for a day – because there is no bomb shelter there. What Russia is doing to us will remain in our memories for generations. We will never forget that.

Your grandparents lived through the time of the German occupation …

I remember how they told me as a child about the suffering under the Nazis. I then drew pictures based on these stories, and we little ones always drew “our” tanks on the right of the picture and the enemy’s on the left. I don’t know if that was the geographical view – today it’s the other way round: the enemy proceeds from the other side in children’s pictures, too. Children have a clear view of things.

The elderly of your fellow citizens are now experiencing their country being invaded for the second time.

My grandmother died before the great invasion of 2022, and I can’t imagine how she would feel today about experiencing bombardment terror a second time – this time from the East. When my 24-year-old daughter has grandchildren, she will have to tell them similar stories – of nights in the air raid shelter, of fear and destruction. Back then, there were the German Nazis and today, 80 years later, the Russian Nazis.

German pacifism and military restraint were always justified by the lessons of World War II. Germans committed terrible crimes in Ukraine in particular, bringing great suffering and destruction to the country. How burdensome is the German guilt?

I am glad that an honest discussion about this has started. There were two countries that were fully occupied at the time – Belarus and Ukraine. Both countries made a significant contribution to the fight against Hitler’s Germany. And this is slowly being understood and acknowledged.

For me, it’s not about burden, but about the reappraisal of German responsibility. And this responsibility is certainly a suitable impetus for the support that my country needs today. I am very pleased that the German-Ukrainian Historical Commission has taken up the issue. Fortunately, the President of the Bundestag, Bärbel Bas, has also made a clear statement.

For a long time, people in Germany wanted to know little about Ukraine, its culture, and its fate. Nobody really travelled to Odessa, Lviv, or Kyiv. What changes have you noticed when it comes to the connection between the two countries?

A great deal of interest has grown. In the past year and a half alone, around 200 town and municipal partnerships have been established. I am also particularly pleased about the seven regional partnerships that have been set up at federal state level – for example, between North Rhine-Westphalia and the Dnipro Oblast, between Schleswig-Holstein and Kherson, or Bremen and Odessa. This is a great development that has a very deep impact and brings the people of both countries together and creates lasting links. This underlines that we Ukrainians are Europeans and part of the family.

Accession negotiations to the European Union have recently begun. How fit is Ukraine for the EU?

Socially, we are ready. There is no other country in the EU that has sacrificed human lives for the European dream. During the Revolution of Dignity, hundreds of thousands stood on Maidan Square for their right to live in a united Europe. However, membership of the European Union is also linked to a multitude of technical issues, and we are not claiming any special discount for this. We want to fulfil all the rules and regulations, both for the EU and for NATO. However, they should not be presented to us as insurmountable hurdles. We expect help so that we can fulfil the criteria faster.

Also, in the interests of Western partners?

Certainly. It is in the interest of the European Union to expand the area of stability. It is in NATO’s interest to have the most modern and experienced army in the Alliance – even if others should need military assistance. We certainly offer a lot.

When we last visited you here at the embassy, we were able to take a look at your wish list: Tanks, Patriot, air defence, ammunition… Have you been able to tick all the boxes by now?

A lot has been or will soon be delivered, including the RCH155 artillery system on Boxer and important escort vehicles with Rheinmetall 30mm cannons. We are grateful for the artillery shells and Gepard ammunition from Rheinmetall, Marder and Leopards, reconnaissance systems, logistical vehicles, and much more. We also have a need for many other systems such as additional combat and infantry fighting vehicles and, of course, air defence.

Germany has launched an international initiative to meet the Ukrainian government’s urgent air defence requirements. How would you assess the reluctance of many countries in participating?

As the ambassador in Berlin, I am focusing primarily on persuading people in Germany, which is no easy task. You can’t lay back for a second. I sometimes jokingly say that I actually have three roles – diplomat, arms dealer, and psychologist. Because I always have to allay the fears of my dialogue partners and motivate them.

I am pleased that Germany has now taken on the leading role – also in terms of air defence. It is important to me that aid to Ukraine is not provided out of pity. It is in the best interests of all EU and NATO members to help Ukraine. And this requires not only what we have to spare, but also what is available.

All of this is very expensive. How do you perceive the German debate on defence spending?

People in Germany take security for granted – it’s commonplace. But I say: if you can go to bed without fear of being woken up by an air raid siren or being killed by a bomb or missile – that’s basically priceless, but it costs money.

That is why more must be invested, both in the Bundeswehr and in defence against the Russian attack on freedom and democracy. Russian missiles must be neutralised in Ukrainian skies before they might fly towards Germany one day. Yes, all of this costs money that may not be available for social spending.

Do you think the public has any understanding for this?

We need a serious and honest dialogue. There is still a huge gap between the security and defence industry, and the population. However, people need to realise that defence companies make an important contribution to ensure that they can sleep peacefully.

Rheinmetall is doing all it can for Ukraine. Recently, however, there has been criticism from the political sphere that the repair of army combat vehicles is taking too long. Do you agree?

It all takes far too long. Every day costs human lives. We have no time. But the German defence companies, in particular, are harbingers of Germany’s great industrial involvement in the reconstruction of Ukraine and in its defence. It was clear from the start that it would be a huge logistical problem if a Panzer Howitzer 2000 had to be brought in for repair and the workshop in Kassel was 2,500 kilometres away. If a Leopard 2 tank is damaged, it will be missing in action – that’s clear. Therefore, we need joint ventures like the one with Rheinmetall so that repairs and production can take place in Ukraine itself. But that won’t happen overnight.

What do you say to people who reject arms deliveries to Ukraine and call for a negotiated solution?

The only country that can initiate an immediate end to the war is Russia – by withdrawing its troops and saying “it was a mistake”. But Russia is far from that. We must defend our freedom. Pacifism does not create peace. Peace must be fought for and it must be defended. Democracy must be armed – better than autocracy and the aggressor.

What do you think needs to happen for the war to end?

There is no one in the whole world who wants peace more than we Ukrainians. We want to wake up on Sunday mornings without sirens wailing and be able to get bread rolls in peace. We don’t want missiles in our skies. The recent peace conference in Switzerland laid an important foundation for the world to see: our proposals are based on international documents such as the UN Charter. Every country has a legitimate interest in living in security without fear of being invaded by a neighbour.

We need a strong negotiating position for peace talks. We are only at the beginning of the peace process, because first the Russians have to leave the occupied territories.

The war inflicts deep wounds. Will a prosperous life in a peaceful neighbourhood ever be possible again afterwards?

There needs to be a lot of reappraisal, just like in Germany after World War II. It is important to me that Russia must pay for its war crimes. I am also most sincere in not talking about Putin’s war – Russia is waging war against us. This war is being supported by the Russian population. The war crimes are being committed by Russians, but the country is far from recognising this.

Even after the war, a highly armed Russia will be your neighbour to the east …

Unfortunately, there is still no starting point for future cooperation. Today, the imperialist stance prevails among the vast majority of Russians. How many years must pass before Russia has a democratically elected president? A president who comes to Ukraine and – like Willy Brandt in Warsaw – kneels down at the memorial to the fallen Ukrainian soldiers, who takes responsibility, and comes to terms with what Russia has done to us? I don’t know. I don’t see this perspective at the moment.

Mr Ambassador, we wish you and your country all the best. Thank you very much for this interview.

The interview was conducted by Oliver Hoffmann.